Book Review
Հովհաննիսյան Լիլիթ, Հայկական հարցի 1915-1923թթ.
պատմության հիմնահարցերի լուսաբանումը Հայաստանյան պատմագիտության մեջ (1991-2015թթ.)
(Երևան, ՀՀ ԳԱԱ Պատմության ինստիտտուտ, 2020, 384 էջ)
Hovhannisyan Lilit.
The Elucidation of the Armenian Question, 1915-1923,
in Historical Science of the Republic
of Armenia (1991-2015)
(Yerevan, Institute of History, NAS RA, 2020, 384 p.)
In 2020 our expert society got a
chance to acquaint itself with a monograph “The Elucidation of the Problems of
History of the Armenian Question, 1915-1923, in Historical Science of the
Republic of Armenia (1991-2015)” by Lilit Hovhannisyan. This volume embraces a collection of 31
primary sources in Armenian, Russian, English and German languages, with 96
books and 61 articles by practically all the leading specialist, who deal with
the given topic. The author explores thoroughly and in all details her shpere, attributed to the international relations of
1878-1923 and subdivides this period into three stages: developments //-244 during World War I in 1915-1918; functioning of
the Republic of Armenia in 1919-1920, when the Quadruple Alliance had been
defeated; and the Armenian diplomatic collapse of 1921-1923, when the Ottoman
Empire had successfully transmuted into Kemalist
Turkey through the highly fruitful negotiations with all its
partners.
It should be noted
that the scope of the material and processes presented in this work prove the
diligence of L.Hovhannisyan and gives an ample
opportunity to formulate the very gist of the selected diplomatic processes,
theoretical equipment and quality of scholarship in contemporary Armenia. This
great amount of material serves the author as a solid base for correct
evaluation and theoretical approaches, and the very wording of the book arouses
the desire to read the analysed works of the enlisted
specialists by all means. At the same time, thought and ideas of L.Hovhannisyan don’t interfere with the original thinking
of the reader. For example, the author doesn’t contest an opinion of L.Khurshudyan that recovery of our political independence
was a cause and an aim of the Armenian Question (pp.23-24). However, she
reasonably notes, that our national question, when percepted
as an exact term in the history of international relations, had been
principally focused on the implementation of reforms in the Western Armenia. We
can also add, that a postulate by G.Galoyan
regarding the independence as a constant priority of the Armenian liberation movement
in the middle of the XVI-XX centuries, also raises questions, since ensuring of
the physical security, peaceful labor and safekeeping of the private property
were the main tasks and actual bounds of all social-political projects,
designed for Western Armenia.
We do realize that
the memorandum by Hovhannes Lazarian
(Ivan Lazarev) for A.Suvorov,
dated January 10, 1780, “Conception of the Treaty between Two Nations” by
Archbishop Hovsep Arghuthian
(Iosif Argutinskii),
composed in 1783; and particularly “The Snare of Glory,” composed by Shahamir Shahamirian at Madras in
1773, manifested the sharp vision of Statehood by Armenians; however, it is
well-grounded to speak about political movement only in the XIX century, when
the Social Democrat Hnchakian Party coined an
independent republic in its program of 1888. And this thesis, however
courageous, did not yet become a guideline for the society. Even the sessions
of 1917-1918, held by the Central Armenian National Council in Tiflis, together
with the first and only Armenian Independence Proclamation Act, declared on
February 13, 1918, at Karin, indicate //-245 that
there existed contradictions between approaches and political thinking of
Western and Eastern Armenians; it also demonstrates the disinclination of our
national elite in the XX century to enter a new political stage of higher
status. We were rather falling behind, than ahead of current events; and this
was comprehensible. It is embarassing to demand
independence, when you lack means to protect people and need external military
aid. Actually, independence of 1918-1920s was produced by the historic
catastrophe beyond our control and will; it was not a result of purposive
Armenian activity. Independence was an outcome of Russian revolutions, burst in
1917, of the World War motion in 1918, as well as of the following
Entente-Turkish relations together with the Russian Civil war. And,
analogously, its consummation was determined by the politics of the Russian
Soviet Federation in 1920-1921, rather than by our internal
developments.
In L.Hovhannisyan’s view, independence is an aim of liberation
struggle, and its achievement should be apprehended as a criterion of success
(p.26). However, the review does not consider independence to be a panacea or
some guarantee of security; it is only a tool to attain other vitally important
goals. This status didn’t rescue the first Republic from the Turkish invasion
in 1918 and 1920; it doesn’t eliminate the risks of an assault today:
independence brings a wider oppotrunity and promotes
initiative, but it excepts nothing.
At the same time it
should be noted that L.Hovhannisyan started doing
historiography as a trained expert in primary sources and writing some positive
and solid study. She had initiated her research on “The Armenian Question and
the Great Powers in 1914-1917” (Yerevan, Zangak-97, 2002) first, and only then
proceeded with the evaluation of other publications related to somewhat broader
subject.
Her own good
knowledge enables her to analyse throughly
a qualitative drift, that took place in the
international relations at the beginning of the XX century in regard to Western
Armenia and the Ottoman Empire in general. Thus, the author not only adduces G.Galoyan’s opinion that “every time, when Russia presented
threat to the interests of European Powers in Asiatic Turkey, the latter put
aside their contradictions and stood up against Russia who defended Western
Armenian” (p.29). L.Hovhannisyan
verifies that this Western opposition was not permanent. Being an expert
in the Sykes-Picot Agreement, our researcher narrates the Russian-English approachment in 1907-1916 and inability of the Entente to
impose neutrality upon the Ottoman Empire. //-246
The long-lasting
opposition between the West and Russia is definite; though the Power of Tsars
constantly improved its position in the Western Armenia by steady undulatory advance. Its indulatory
movements inflicted enormous losses to the indigenous population; and the
greatest Russian successes of 1916 were combined with abominable Armenian
losses wreaked by the Genocide of 1915. Let’s note, it was no one but Turkey,
who repelled Britain in 1914, altered the substance of the Russian-British
relations (pp.53-54), and the coalition of these two countries was also reiterated
during the World War II. Besides, if up to to the
World War I Russia could not endure competition, then it appeared during these
war-years that it has no vigour to cooperate with the
West. Russian Revolutions of 1917 were an outcome of its thorough overstrain.
As a whole, the long-lasting Russia-West antagonism led Lenin to the new
strategy of the Russian-Turkish collaboration, incarnated in the Treaties of
Brest (1918) and Moscow (1921). Now the RSFSR was a trong
and decisive part in its new alliance. Let’s confirm that all neighboring
States have an undoubted right to live in peace and friendship, if they don’t achive their partnership at the expence
of third countries and
nations.
As a merit of the
monograph by L.Hovhannisyan her analyses of two
terms: the Armenian Question and the Armenian Cause, deserve praise. The author
records that the first term applies to international relations, and the second
focuses on domestic policy, liberation movement, on the legal issues, in common
with the problems of overcoming the consequences of the 1915-1923 Genocide and
on the possibility for the exiled people to repatriate. We can add, that up to
1988-1991 the first term had always prevailed over the second and determined
the bounds of our possibility. It was only the Armenian All-National Movement
for the unificiation of Artsakh
with the whole Motherland, that put an end to
passivity of the people, who had served earlier for an object of political
settlements. The All-national Movement transformed us into active co-authors of
the developments; now we gave methods how the tasks should be solved and
completed our part of domestic and foreign policy. Independence of 1991-2021
has become an immediate result, main toolkit and successor of the All-National,
unprecedented by its embrace and international reaction Movement, aimed to
achieve freedom, security, self-determination and consolidation of Artsakh with the rest of Armenia.
Appraising the
theoretical advantages of the monograph, we are compelled to notice, that
circumstancial description of books by G.Galoyan, V.Ghazakhetsyan, Hakob Hakobyan, K.Khachatryan in the introduction of L. //-247 Hovhannisyan’s book, and then of the work by H.Avetisyan in the Chapter I (pp.117-133, 142–152) appears
to be too bulky, and it seems that the discussion of the first publications
could be included in the main body, according to chronology, and H.Avetisyan’s book “The Armenian Question in 1918” might
have been represented more abridged. Yet, when L.Hovhannisyan
examines the works of contemporary authors, she strives to mark out their
practical significance (pp.31-34). Though, to what extent the past and
contemporary conditions are similar, so the current situation is worse
politically to the same degree. The reiteration itself means that we have
neither solved the problem earlier, nor do we use contemporary procedures, so
as to evade unprofitable distribution of forces.
Simultaneously we
have to record that together with numerous advantages, you can meet some errors
in the book. So, when L.Hovhannisyan describes the
Brest Litovsk Treaty of 1918, she criticizes its
Soviet interpretations as a deal, or “necessary respite,” allegedly “wreched out of the imperialistic Powers” (pp.75-76). Then
she associates this wording with the author of the present review, rather than
with a book by A.Chubaryan, explored in my article.
Nevertheless, G.Makhmourian actively contests the
apology of the Brest Treaty and readily shares the
opinion of N.Adontz, H.Avetisyan,
N.Esayan, R.Hovannisian in
regard to diplomatic defeat of the RSFSR, disgraceful and capitulative
document, that sacrificed the interests of our people. My own definition of the
Treaty asserts that it reduced defence capacity of
Armenians and once again converted them into a small change in international
negotiations. G.Makhmourian’s point is, that the text
of Brest Litovsk “had not ceased the war, but rather
brought to the Transcaucasia an enemy expedition on Tiflis and occupation of
Baku.” Later on L.Hovhannisyan quite adequately
represents conception of the aricle on the page 132
of her book.
Chapter II offers
the historiography of the Armenian Question in its new appearance of 1919-1920,
when the leading role in its political shaping passed from the German-Turkish
alliance to the States of Entente and the U.S. (p.159) - their activity was
successively studied by A.Ghambaryan. L.Hovhannisyan, in her turn, pays appropriate attention to
the concept of a single American mandate; it would substitute the sole
inspector for a partition of Ottoman posessions. They
envisaged semi-independent, undermandatory Armenia in
both cases, which would be later established as an utterly independent State;
though this time Russia would be replaced with the USA. The latter strived to
unite the whole Transcaucasia with its sphere of influence (pp.165-167); so
that all this vast area would be re-//-248 oriented
from the North onto the West. Besides, separation and diferent
mandatories would cause rivalry in the whole region and a single surveillance
might facilitate economic cooperation.
Speaking in
general, the reviewer shares an interpretation by L.Hovhannisyan
and thinks it proper to verify, that W.Wilson did not
consider the RSFSR to be a passive object of his politics; and that’s why
realization of his course was mostly reliant on Moscow’s position. It was Turkey, that could be managed at the victor’s discretion;
but Russia was different and confrontation with this, recurring State did not
enter into American strategy. To begin with 1918, American Congressmen
considered that the Bolsheviks would not hail unification of Western and
Eastern Armenia; so the legislators cautiously evaded confrontation with
England and reserved the whole Mesopotamia as its zone of interests.
Nearly all the
issues, associated with the Treaty of Sevres (signed on August 10, 1920), are
thoroughly illucidated in the monograph under
reviewing (pp.191-196, 201-202, 208, 215). It involves the works by L.Khurshudyan, S.Poghosyan, K.Poghosyan, A.Marukyan, A.Papyan, who pay special
attention to the shaping of Armenian-Turkish relations, depending on
Western or pro-Russian orientation of the Republic of Armenia (G.Galoyan, V.Melikyan, А.Hakobyan). While G.Galoyan wrote that Erevan should neglect the Bolshevik’s
negative attitude towards Sevres and kept pro-Russian political course
(pp.197-198); A.Hakobyan asserts on implementation of
the genuine national, Armenian-centered policy, and G.Makhmourian
affirms a necessity for the Republic of Armenia to negotiate not only with the
RSFSR and the West, but also to deal directly with Kemalist
Turkey. This context also includes valuable essay on the Armenian-Greek
relations by H.Bartikyan.
Besides, the
monograph under review gives a serious consideration to the juridical
significance of the Treaty of Sevres, as well as to the arbitrary award of W.Wilson, dated November 22, 1920, together with the right
of the exiled people to repatriate. These topics were studied in the
publications by Hakob Hakobyan,
A.Melkonyan, A.Marukyan, L.Hovhannisyan herself and, to some extent, by V.Melikyan. In contrast to their optimism we have to
record, that legal demands, when they are not ensured with political and
economic strength, become just a provocation against our adversary, which would
stimulate his military activity and enlarge the danger to our homeland and the
people. That’s how the Turkish-//-249 Armenia
war of 1920 occurred (see pp.220-223 on works by E.Zohrabyan,
H.Hakobyan, A.Melkonyan,
who address to the Russian factor in the empowerment of Kemalists);
then the huge Turkish assistance to the Azerbaijani assault was stimulated in
2020.
It seems quite
natural, that after the juridical section we find Chapter III on tragic
consummation of the Armenian Question in 1921-1923. This chapter describes a
chain of documents, signed in Alexandropol
(2.12.1920) - of the Franco-Turkish Cilicia Peace (9.03.1921), Italo-Turkish (12.03) Treaties and Russian-British (16.03)
agreement in London - of the Treaties of Moscow (16/18.03) - of Kars (13.10.) -
of the Franco-Turkish Ankara agreement
(20.10.1921) - and of the Treaty of Lausannes
(24.07.1923). We should naturally separate from this corps of papers the
Treaties of Alexandropol, Moscow and Kars, since they
are distinguished by enormous historiography of the Soviet era, by publications
composed in the Diaspora, and by studies, created in 1991-2015, during the
years of independence (pp.249-251). Thus, if G.Galoyan
tried to cushion negative results of the Russian-Turkish rapproachement,
then A.Hakobyan emphasizes contradictions and rivalry
among these two sides. Unlike them, H.Avetisyan
traces all agreements back to 1918 and reasonably takes into his chain decision
of the Caucasus Bureau of the Central Committee of the RCP(B)
on Artsakh, dated July 5, 1921. K.Khachatryan,
H.Sukiasyan and G.Badalyan
point out, in their turn, the extension of the same course into the 1930s and
accentuate the problem of Nakhijevan. L.Hovhannysian reasonably identifies V.Ghazakhetsian,
Ararat Hakobyan, A.Papyan as active critics of the Treaty of Moscow,
though S. and K. Poghosyans considered its
denouncement to be impossible.
At the same time,
and in common with A.Hakobyan, E.Zohrabyan,
L.Hovhannysian we have to
exact: contrary to the opinion by A.Papyan,
Azerbaijan ratified the Treaty of Kars on March 3, 1922, i.e. bedore the establishment of the Federative Union of the
Republics of Transcuacasia; this union recognized
independence and sovereignty of the each contracting side. It was only on
December 13, 1922, that this Union was reorganized into the unified
Transcaucasian Federative Republic; and Armenia toghether
with Georgia carried out their ratifications on March 20 and June 14 of the
same year (see pp.274-276). As a merit of the work by L.Hovhannisyan
we should also appreciate her analysis of the agreements, signed in 1921-1923;
these documents are examined in the framework of contemporary problems and
current Armenian-Turkish relations. //-250 Her
conclusions at the end of the book seem to be well-balanced and just.
To sum up, we have
to comment that the monograph “The Elucidation of the Problems of History of
the Armenian Question, 1915-1923, in Historical Science of the Republic of
Armenia (1991–2015)” by L.Hovhannisyan gives adentical and interesting description of the quality of
Armenian investigations in the selected area; thus we can certainly recommend
her book to the expert community as well as the wide range of readers. //-251